05YEREVAN857
Reference ID Created Released Classification Origin 05YEREVAN857 2005-05-16 05:46 2011-08-24 01:00 UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY Embassy Yerevan This record is a partial extract of the original cable. The full text of the original cable is not available. UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 04 YEREVAN 000857
SIPDIS
SENSITIVE
DEPT FOR EUR/CACEN, EUR/ACE
E.O. 12958: N/A TAGS: ECON KHDP PHUM PGOV PREF ETRD AM IR SUBJECT: ARMENIA'S SOUTHERN PROVINCE: DEAD END?
¶1. (U) This cable is sensitive but unclassified. Please protect accordingly.
SUMMARY
¶2. (SBU) Armenia's Southern region of Syunik is a narrow swath of remote mountainous land, bound by the closed historical borders with Azerbaijan to the East and West, and stretching South to a 40 km wide border with an equally remote region of Iran. Syunik's winding mountain road and hard winter weather create a natural obstacle for trade; its border with Iran feels more like a dead-end than a crossroads. Human poverty -- measured by lack of access to clean water, electricity and education -- is higher than elsewhere as Syunik has failed to capture the benefits of Armenia's recent growth. Still burdened by land mines and refugees, Syunik region's isolation and poverty are a bleak reminder of Armenia's bifurcated development: as Yerevan grows the regions stagnate, having a more difficult time overcoming the effects of the Karabakh war and their (and Armenia's) geographic and political isolation. End Summary.
THE HIGH ROAD SOUTH
¶3. (SBU) The road to Armenia's remote Syunik region and on to Iran winds through Syunik's three high mountain passes, the Sisian (2345 meters), the Vorotan (2344 meters), and the Tashtun (2400 meters), which separate Syunik's four primary cities. Perilous in fair weather, the road was still burdened by heavy snowfall when we traveled it the last week of March and was hit hard by a snowstorm as late as May 3. There is little traffic besides the occasional truck from Iran or trucks carrying ore from the copper molybdenum plants high in the mountains by the Kajaran pass. When we passed, a wreck involving a 22-ton Iranian lorry had lain uncleared for several days, blocking a lane of traffic.
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--- IRAN - ARMENIA BORDER: MORE A DEAD-END THAN A CROSSROADS
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¶4. (SBU) The great surprise of the Syunik region is how little its proximity to Iran affects it. "'Proximity' is not a word we use when talking about Syunik," quipped the Deputy Marzpet (Governor). Despite being one of Armenia's two open borders, trade with Iran is oddly slow. According to the Armenian Department for Migration and Refugees, on average fewer than 1,000 people cross the border each month(in both directions). In December 2004, their statistics show three hundred crossing into Armenia and 300 crossing out. At the border there are few stores catering to Persian drivers (or any drivers, for that matter) and the duty-free border market that lies in between the two customs houses was nearly still: we counted 3 people wondering among the metal stalls. (Note: By contrast the border market at the Georgian - Armenian border is a busy place, with hundreds of vendors selling a broad range of goods and lines of merchants hauling teaming carts of duty-free goods across the customs point. End Note.)
¶5. (SBU) The mayor (and former customs official) of the border village Agharak complained that besides the duty-free markets between the customs points, any goods from Iran must be taken to the regional customs clearing house in Sissian, 166 km and three mountain passes away. Iranian goods are thus more expensive in the border town than they are in the capital Yerevan, 410 km away.
NORTH-SOUTH CORRIDOR?
¶6. (SBU) The Marzpet and an official from the Ministry of Transport and Communication expressed frustration about the difficulty of reestablishing the North-South trade corridor that traditionally ran from Iran to Yerevan. Once the region's main North-South highway, the Soviet road and railroad ran through the border towns of Meghri and Agharak and then West of Syunik into the territory of Nakhchivan, Azerbaijan, through the low-lying Araxes valley, and back into Armenia more than 300 km north. That route is now blocked by closed borders, and work has begun on a new "low road" from Iran through Syunik region that would avoid the mountain passes, but the government has not yet decided how or if it will finance the mountain tunnels. While the Ministry of Transport and Communication told us that they are considering a feasibility study of laying rail from Yerevan to Syunik region then on into Iran (in response to Azerbaijan's recent efforts to connect its railway with Iran's) they acknowledge that the overwhelming distance and extreme terrain make building a railway prohibitively expensive.
¶7. (SBU) According to Syunik Marzpet and his deputy, the region is taking steps to increase its trade with Iran, but things are developing slowly. He commented that the marz has looked to Iran as a market for its local produce which is easier to transport to Northern Iran than to Armenia's capital. But he said that the lack of traditional trading ties and cultural differences are an impediment to trade. "Iranians are difficult to do business with," he said, adding that the nature of bargaining was different that even the systems of payments caused difficulties. (There is no commercial bank in Agharak, the border town of 4,000 people, and one commercial Armenian bank in the nearest town Meghri.) He added, "As remote as we are from the rest of Armenia, the neighboring part of Iran is even more remote from its capital."
ECONOMIC GROWTH BYPASSES REMOTE REGIONS
¶8. (SBU) While construction and trade drive double- digit growth for Armenia's urban areas, the benefits of economic growth have bypassed Armenia's remote rural regions like those in Syunik. Two foreign owned copper-molybdenum mines, from which nearly all the proceeds go directly abroad or to the capital, employ 4,500 of Syunik's 164,000 residents and account for 90 percent of Syunik region's economic output. Small hydro-electric plants that generate electricity for the region account for another 6 percent of the region's output, which is to say that there is little other business to speak of. The Soviet-era electronics factories that once powered Southern Armenia's economy are now defunct, giving Syunik Armenia's highest rate of unemployment. The Meghri cannery, Syunik's ninth largest business, appeared empty and idle when we visited on a Wednesday at noon. In the towns of Goris, Kapan and Meghri, the only small or medium sized businesses in sight are bookmaking parlors where residents place bets (usually around USD 10) on European soccer matches.
¶9. (SBU) Besides Syunik's four towns, Syunik's villages are either high in the mountains or scattered along the old Azerbaijani border region that was heavily damaged by artillery shelling during the war. Most families rely on simple agriculture, although their agricultural inheritance is weak. Roads are poor, and farmers cannot easily take their produce to market. Many villages must bring clean drinking water from wells in other villages. Basic fixed or mobile telephone service is dodgy. The electricity supply is sporadic and there is no natural gas. Villagers still heap separate piles of dried dung for fuel and straw for animal feed outside the front doors to see them through the winter.
STILL WOUNDED BY THE WAR
¶10. (SBU) Syunik Marz suffered heavily during the military conflict with Azerbaijan. During the initial stages of hostilities, Syunik's border with Azerbaijan was the front line of the conflict. Nearly all towns and cities in the province came under intense artillery shelling (and some aerial bombardment), and many buildings remain pockmarked with shrapnel. Syunik's roads are still badly damaged from wartime bombings and military uses. Although Armenia occupies the territory on the other side of the historical border with Azerbaijan, both the Azeri side and the adjacent areas of Syunik remain heavily mined. The mines have presented an obvious obstacle to the settlement of the occupied territories by Armenians. Syunik residents told us that while the GOAM has not discouraged them from farming or grazing in these territories, any such move would be infeasible and certainly deadly with the large amount of ordnance currently underground.
DE-MINING PROGRAM DORMANT
¶11. (SBU) Named for an 18th century rebel leader against Persian rule, the village of David Bek was an initial focus of demining efforts in Armenia. From his office in the center of the village, David Bek's mayor pointed out a small hill rising approximately half a mile distant as the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Most of the surrounding countryside remains uncultivated due to the heavy concentration of mines, primarily large Soviet anti-tank mines laid by Armenian forces in 1992.
¶12. (SBU) During the summer of 2003, the first Armenian Army mine-clearing forces began clearing village land of the mines. The effort was suspended last year, with focus shifting to other communities in Armenia despite the fact that only 15 percent of David Bek's mined land had been fully cleared. In the past two years, only a few individuals who had purchased the farmland during a 1991 privatization push have been able to finally occupy their property. The mines also continue to cause deaths and serious injuries in David Bek. During its limited mine-clearing activity in the area, the Army did not undertake a survey of mine locations. Consequently, citizens of David Bek still do not know the full scope of their mine problem. The mayor told us that recently a mine had exploded underneath his car as he drove along a road thought to be clear; although his vehicle was destroyed, the mayor escaped with minor injuries.
REFUGEES: FAILING TO MAKE NEW LIVES
¶13. (SBU) Refugees have also had a substantial effect on the population of Syunik. Thousands of Armenians from Baku and other parts of Azerbaijan have re- settled in Syunik's hotels, dormitories and asylums. The village of Syunik, located 5 miles from the city of Kapan near the wreckage of a bright yellow Azerbaijani helicopter shot down in 1991 (which is something of a local monument), highlights the problems of refugee integration seen throughout the region. Ninety-three refugee families live in Syunik village, and, unlike in many areas of Armenia, live intermingled with the local population. Most of the refugees are from Baku, where they held jobs such as engineers, factory workers and ship-builders. In the village, they have had to adapt to a primarily agricultural lifestyle, farming the limited amount of land and selling produce locally. Such is the case for most refugees in Syunik Marz, whose technical expertise cannot be employed with the limited resources of the impoverished region. The village administration has sought to employ a limited number of the refugees as Russian language teachers in the local schools, but is otherwise unable to find long term and viable employment for them.
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COMMENT: ARMENIA'S GROWTH LEAVES OUT THE REGIONS
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¶14. (SBU) Armenia's most remote region, Syunik portrays Armenia's bifurcated development: Yerevan grows and elsewhere the economy is stagnant. Armenia's double-digit growth has bypassed its regional cities. While construction booms across central Yerevan, Syunik's capital Kapan looks like a quiet Soviet city, devoid of much that resembles employment. Like Armenia's northern regions bordering Georgia, Syunik has failed to capitalize on its regional link to Iran in order to profit from transit or even local trade. Like other border regions, Syunik has moved on more slowly from the war, and the people still consider the war, albeit proudly, as the source of their poverty. Yerevan businessmen and Yerevan based ministries control the few valuable resources the region has, notably two copper plants and a single textile factory, and the region's hope for new investment is focused on new projects from Yerevan's public or private sector. Perhaps most telling, it is the oligarch marzpet, appointed by the President, who wields power in the region, not the elected mayors of the cities and villages, who tend to be otherwise unemployed.
EVANS